[KB] Burke & the Division of Labor
Edward C Appel
edwardcappel at frontier.com
Thu Sep 15 16:53:46 EDT 2016
All,
One of Burke’s examples of the “unifying term” as deflector from gross inequality of sacrifice, privilege, rewards, and motivations was the WWII profiteer who would speak of how “we’re all in this conflict together.” The implicitly unifying identifier “we” in that context so strikingly illustrates the use of “ambiguity” in rhetorical appeal. It put executives at Ford and GM, and GIs being blown apart in Europe and the Pacific, on the same footing.. Up to a point, necessarily vague abstractions of a public-spirited cast legitimately serve to keep societies and polities from coming apart at the seams. Up to a point.
What’s happened this political season is the result of a sharp fraying or tarring of that social fabric. The success of both Sanders and Trump vouchsafes that disintegration. Forty years of globalization of USAmerican jobs and once-middle-class incomes, to the conspicuous advantage of wealthy owners and executives, who now manufacture more cheaply and sell world-wide, and obvious disadvantage to working class citizens, high school level or lower, has come home to roost. Trump has become the mouthpiece for these ignored and neglected Americans, their plight studiously finessed with the rhetoric of “re-education” for the new technologies, or assurances that “Americans can compete with anybody.” (True, of course, at one dollar an hour.) A wild man like Donald Trump could not likely survive in a less volatile economic situation. He is so cleverly exploiting this one: “I will be your voice!”
On our private Burkean discussion list, I said long ago that Trump is functioning like a Rorschach Test. He’s the indistinct picture of rage onto which people can project a multitude of grievances. He’s a walking negative: Whatever it is we are doing now that’s taken away our American Dream, “Trump, thank heaven, isn’t that!” All those Clinton adds with Trump spouting invectives?---who are they really helping?
Ed
--------------------------------------------
On Wed, 9/14/16, Edward C Appel <edwardcappel at frontier.com> wrote:
Subject: Re: [KB] Burke & the Division of Labor
To: "Carrol Cox" <cbcox at ilstu.edu>, "kb at kbjournal.org" <kb at kbjournal.org>
Date: Wednesday, September 14, 2016, 2:09 PM
An
"exceedingly interesting passage" indeed. The Ann
Coulter types charge that liberals "hate" America.
Count me in on that indictment, at least on alternate days.
I despise a nation that allows the super rich to pay 0 to 10
to 15 percent in taxes (all the while hiding half or more of
their wealth in some overseas tax haven), while assessing
ordinary middle-class earners at a much higher rate. Yet,
we're constantly admonished to genuflect at that
"unitary term," "American." How many
times have we heard the Lmibaugh's attack
"divisive" liberals, when we are all, each of us,
only "Americans."
Hillary
is touting the "Buffet Rule" on her website, but I
don't hear much about it in her
speeches.
FDR
wanted to restrict everybody's income to no more than
$25,000 dollars during WWII. Sounds like something from
another galaxy a million light years away.
Ed
On Tuesday, September
13, 2016 10:46 AM, Carrol Cox <cbcox at ilstu.edu>
wrote:
Thanks for this. That
is precisely the passage I vaguely had in mind, but
remembered it from the Grammar rather than the
Rhetoric. (I have only
peripheral vision, so
I can't check the texts themselves. If I could see
I'd
probably be able to find the passage
by flipping through looking for
underlining.)
It is an exceedingly interesting passage.
Carrol
-----Original
Message-----
From: KB [mailto:kb-bounces at kbjournal.org]
On Behalf Of Jim Moore
Sent: Tuesday,
September 13, 2016 12:14 AM
To: kb at kbjournal.org
Subject: Re: [KB] Burke & the Division of
Labor
There's a lot
about division of labor in RM near the indexed portion
"man
under
communism."
"Dialectically, the Marxist analysis would
apparently begin with a principle
of
division where idealism begins
with a principle of merger. And, as regards
the
purposes
of rhetoric, it admonishes us to look for its
'mystification' at
any
point where the social
divisiveness caused by property and the division of
labor is obscured by unitary
terms (as with terms whereby a state, designed
to protect a certain structure
of ownership, is made to seem equally
representative of both propertied and
propertyless classes). Indeed, we
find the stress upon private property as a
rhetorical motive so convincing,
that we question whether communism is possible
under the conditions
of
extreme specialization (division of labor) required by
modern industry.
_The
German Ideology_ explicitly pictures man under communism,
shifting
from job to job
like a Jack-of-all-trades, as the mood strikes him
(hunting
in
the morning, fishing in the afternoon, rearing
cattle in the evening, and
criticizing after dinner, "without ever
becoming hunter, fisherman shepherd
or critic"). Given the highly
specialized nature of modern technology,
which
requires
of its operators an almost Puritanic severity of
application, if so
dilettantelike a way of life as Marx describes
is the sign of a true
communist
society, then every step in
the evolution of Soviet Russian industry would
seem likely to take it farther
from a world free of the cleavage that arises
with the division of labor
(and with the separation of property that goes
with it, and the disparate
states of consciousness that go with that)."
A Rhetoric of Motives p.
108-109
Jim
________________________________
From: KB <kb-bounces at kbjournal.org>
on behalf of David Erland Isaksen
<daviderland at gmail.com>
Sent: September 12, 2016 9:46:11 PM
To: wessr at oregonstate.edu
Cc: kb at kbjournal.org
Subject: Re: [KB] Burke & the Division of
Labor
He
does state though, as Cox mentioned, that there will always
be some
division of labor. Even in a
Communist utopia. That quote is from A Rhetoric
of Motives.
On Sep 13, 2016 3:17 AM,
<wessr at oregonstate.edu>
wrote:
I don't think Burke ever
"rejected" Marxism. Instead, I think he
tended to see himself incorporating Marxism
into his own system (Marxists
would no doubt
object to the incorporation but that is a different
story).
At
the end of his response to Jameson, for example, Burke
insists on
starting with symbol-using rather
than class struggle, but adds that the
study
of the symbol-using animal "can welcome the topic of
class struggle as
a notable
contribution" (Critical Inquiry 5.2 [1978]: 416).
An example would
be the argument in Rhetoric of Motives that
symbol-using animals are
"classifying" animals before they are
"class"
animals (282-83).
"Class" in the Marxist sense is one mode of
classifying
but not the only one.
"Classifying" is prior.
The things he took from Marx were things
he thought could be applied
to a critique of
the current state of things. I don't think he limited
Marx
to a prediction about the future.
That being said,
he did see the Marxist narrative of history as a
particularly good example of how an
"ultimate" terminology works as
persuasion (RM 189-97). The Marxist
"ultimate" terminology turns a mere
worker into the proletariat, an agent of
history. He is not defending this
narrative
in this section, but he is using it as a model.
Bob
Quoting Carrol
Cox <cbcox at ilstu.edu>:
It's been
over 50 years since I did most of my intensive
study of Burke,
though I continued frequently to browse in the Grammar &
the
...Literary
Form until my eyes failed me nearly 10 years ago. I
also
read carefully his
exchange in CI with Jameson at
the time of its publication.
If I remember correctly, the
core of Burke's rejection of
Marx was
his
(Burke's) belief of
the inevitability of the division of
labor.
If that is
so, his objection
to Marx was grounded in his premise that
"Marxism" was
essentially a recipe for a future society rather than
a
critique of
contemporary society. Again, if I remember correctly,
Burke
in the Grammar
did speculate on making a worker the _owner_ of his
job.
That had to be
premised on the permanence of capitalist social
relations,
combined with at
least a speculative belief that
either (a) wage workers
could achieve the
political and social power to
seize possession of their jobs
(permanent
tenure for all employees, public
& private) _or_ (b) that
capitalists
could
be persuaded (through a
correct rhetoric) to grant wage
workers such
tenure
voluntarily. His use of
the trope "the human barnyard" might
point to the
latter hope.
Carrol
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